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HOLLINGER 
pH 8.3 

MILL RUN F3-1543 



E 423 
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Copy 1 



CALIFORAtA AND NEW MEXICO. 



SPEECH 



HON. JAMES S. GREEN, OF MISSOURI, 

L\ THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, APRIL 4, 1850, 

III Cjinmiltee of ike Whole on the stale of the Union, on ike PresiJenVs Message tranS' 
mittini^ Ike Cunstituiion of Califurnia. 



Mr. GREEN addressed the House as follows: 

Mr. CH\iaM\>j: I hnve s(ni;;lu this opportunity 
to address the connnittoc, with n(\ disj)ositi()ti to 
increase the present ra^inj; cxcitoment. My pur- 
pose is not to add fuel to the Ihiines that already 
threaten to envelop us in one jjeneral conflagra- 
tion. Peace is my desire. Harmony amon;; the 
States, with strict Justice to nil, my best elforts 
shall be directed to attain. But, sir, we need not 
di.'ijuise the truth. We .should not deceive our- 
selves. It is idle to sing son>;s of peace, while 
fearful dangers hang tliick around us. We must 
see the danger and rightly apprehend it, in order 
to provide against the ditticulty, and ward ofl'the 
threatened calamity. No ideal or imaginary alarm 
should ever excite us; but when we must know 
our Union is in peril, and the dearest rights of 
freemen menaced will) destruction, it is our soleinn 
duly to come to the rescue, and exert every facul- 
ty of body and of tnind to preserve our Govern- 
ment, and maintain the cherished principles of our 
institutions. Such is the condition of alfairs at the 
present time. My olject, therefore, is to contrib- 
ute to the restoration of harmony, and assist in 
the settlement of all the agitating questions which 
unfortunately array one section of the Union 
against another, and jeopardizie the longer contin- 
uance of our political relations. 

Heretofore I have abstained from saying any- 
thing in this Flail on the subject of slavery. Ab- 
stract discussion, without reference to practical 
legislation, seeined to me to promise no good; 
but now, when grave and important propositions 
are pending, upon which I must soon vote, it be- 
comes a duty to present to my constituents the 
considerations that govern my official action. It 
is my purpose to discharge that duty on the pres- 
ent occasion. 

What, then, is the question before us.' How 
sliall it be met and settled? and what means shall 
be resorted to, in order to allay the great excite- 
ment and ill-tccling which have been gotten up, 
and have spread over our land .' The real ques- 
tion is, the existence of domestic slavery; and its 
relation to the government of the Union should be 
examined with honesty and candor, on principles 
of enlightened human reason. It is useless to 
waste time by referring to the causes wKich have 
brought into existence the present state of affairs. 
They are well understood by the country. As 
practical men, we must meet the difficulty, and so 
adjust it within the scope of our power as to pro- 
duce the greatest good to all, or, perhaps more 
justly speaking, the least evil to the country. 

All are aware of the fact, that when the present 
Federal Government was formed, slavery existed 
in the States, and each one came into the Union 



with full knowledge of the recognition and guar- 
anty of slavery by the Government thus created. 
This fact, in a moral and legal scn.se, ifl sufficient 
of itself to estop every one from interfering with, 
and pri'judicing slavery through the action of 
the partnership Federal Gnvernmcnt. Honor and 
good faith forbid it. Slavery enters into the 
elements upon which this Union is based. It is 
found in the legislative branch, in the executive 
Itranch, and in the power of taxation, which may- 
be regarded as the vivifying and life-giving faculty 
of all Governments. 

Surely a Government ought not, and cannot, 
rightfully exert any power to destroy one of the 
elements of its own existence; and that consider- 
ation should stay the hand of all friends of the 
cdunlry from attempting to injure the institution of 
slavery. liut notwithstanding these facts, which 
cannot be doubled, the Norih allege that slavery 
is an evil, that it should not be permitted to spread 
over the territories acquired from Mexico, and 
that Congress should prevent it by such legislation 
as may be necessary to effect that purpose. To 
accomplish this end, different means are proposed. 
One is, to pass the Wilmot proviso, prohibiting 
slavery in all the territories; the other is, to evade 
the odious stigma of the proviso by artifice, and 
produce the same result by bringing California 
into the Union, and leave the other territories to 
follow her example, and prohibit slavery also, as 
the only means of insuring their admission as 
States. Both of these plans are designed by the 
provisoists to accomplish the same end — that of 
excluding the South from all participation in the 
enjoyment of the territory. 

It is well known that the importation of slaves 
has been forever prohibited under the strongest 
possible penalties. All increase of slavery is, 
therefore, perpetually cut off", and the on/i/(/iifs(ion 
tvilh those icho have the right to interfere xcith it, is 
one nf internal regulation of a preexisting institution. 
Slavery is here, and fully recognized by the Con- 
stitution, and the point is raised whether it shall 
be confined to a limited space, to the destruction 
of the people, or whether it shall be permitted to 
dili'use itself over a wide surtace, and thereby 
mitigate lis evils, and disseminate iisadvantases — 
the sum total of slavery being the same in each 
case, without increase or diminution. Now, since 
new territory has been acquired, why should any 
efforts be made to circumscribe the limits of a con- 
stitutional insiitulion, and prohibit it in the terr.U 
tory, which has been obtained by that Govf bi 
ment whose elementary principles are based •, Vn 
slavery? Such efforts look to me as suicidaT ^nd 
revolutionary; they have the appearance of \^an- 
ton insult to the southern States of the Union. 



.^7^/ 




The South c^W>i ask for an iiicrcaee of slavery, labor from a territory, which cannot obtain a suffi- 

nor do they ask Ci>n:;res.s to c.stablisli it by law cietit amount of labor, can possibly benefit the in- 

anywhere. All iliey lObist upon ia, that the ter- Imbitanis? Labor is re(|iiired and demarjiled, and 

rtiury brlontjs to the whole L'inon, and not exclu- if a [)orlion is peifortned by the slaves, I cannot 

8 vrly to the Norili, and that, therelbrc, they should sec how it can possibly injure the whites; so far 

not be excluded from it by law, but leave the sub- frt)m it, I believe it would be an advantage to the 

joci to the Control, of natural cauitea under the whiles. Tlie arijiiment upon which the idea is 

euarnnliea of tlie Oonsiilution of the United Stales, based, will up|)ly wiih equal force against all ma- 

The restriction could not possibly result in any chinery, and all labor-saving inventions which, to 

pood; to the Klavr, so far from benrtitin!; his con- that extent, dispense with white labor, ami would 

dition, It would jiriive a serious and material injury, appear to the bujierficial observer to diminish the 

Cramped and confined within the limits he now demand. 

occupies, hia comforts, and even necessaries of Slave labor in the United States does not, and 
life, muNt and \Aill diniinish in the certain ratio of cannot, diminish the (lemaiid for white labor. We 
natural incrcasr, until misery and starvation termi- have millions of acres of wild, uncultivated, and 
nate a sull'eriiii; existence, orimpcl to some horrid fertile land, the producti(Mi3 of which, in the mar- 
deed of blood and carnage. Similar ell'ects, from kets of the world, will more than compensate for 
the «»me cause, have been produced in other the labor and capital employed; and there is room 
countrie*^, oiid every principle of humanity, as sufficient for all our laboring population to develop 
well as wise legislation, require us to avoid so our resources, without injuriously afTecting the 
fatal a calamity. To the while population, the while laltorer by what may be periormed by the 
restriction is fraught with still more appalling con- slave. Indeed, the same principle that seeks to 
sequences— either to abandon entirely that conn- exclude slave labor, if adopted and carried out, 
try CO the blacks, or extcr.ninaie them, or fall will ultimately exclude all funi^ners from our 
victims to their starving and excited fury. country. An/irc .'Imtricanism will be resuscitated. 

These consequences maybe remote, but they and the worthy German, and other Iviropcan immi- 

aie, nevertheless, equally certain. grants, will siilFer the injuries of this false princi- 

JtlTcrson took the correct view of the subject of pie, by being excluded from our country and from 

restricting the area of slavery, and said, " I am the territory. Such restrictions are all wrong — 

' certain, that as the pas.sage of slaves from one they all proceed from a false view of the subject. 

' State to another would not make a slave of a Slave labor does, to some extent, change the 

* amgle human bein*r, who woulu' not be so with- ciiaracter and kinil of labor for which the whites 
' nut It, so /AfirJi_//"iui<'n Off r (1 ^rrn/fr jiu/ac« loou/t/ are required, without, however, diminishing the 

nakf thrm iuilividttattii hitjipitr," iScc. ag^re!(ale tltinunil (or their labor. The same may 

And Mr. Madis'm, in a letter to President Mon- be said of wheal machines, corn planters, cotton 

roe, said, " 1 have certainly felt all the influence jtnneys, and the thousand inventions of our day. 

' that could justly flow from a conviction that an But still the call for white labor continues equally 

' unfunliolUd dispersion of the slarrs now within llie as great. Instead of being employed for menial 

• L'niltd Sltitts, was not buly bfxt fur the nation, but and other unprollt;ible service, which must be per- 
' vioil farurablt fur the alaves al,\o." formed by some person, they are made mechanics. 

These disiiiiKuished statesmen, with that fore- artisans, farmers, &c., and the change in the kind 



cast and patriotism for which they ever stood pre- 
eminent, declared that the uncontrolled dispersion 
of the slaves now in the United Stales (for no 
more can be imported) was best, noi only for the 
slaves, but for the whites also. Why, then, let 
me ask, should these lessons of wisdmn be dis.e- 
garded r Why should a policy be adopted which 
must result in injury to both races.' The northern 



of employment is favorable to increased wages. 

To prove the truth of this remark, I invite gen- 
tlemen to compare the wages of labor in slave- 
holding and non-slaveholding States, from which 
It will be seen, that in the former wage^ are at 
least twenty-five percent, higher than in the latter. 
Labor is rewarded South better than it is North. 
Then outflit not tiiis fact to silence those who 



agitators pretend to admit they linve no cunstitu- clamor so much and so loud about free labor and 

ti"n,il power to liberate the slaves. Now, if tins free soil ? 

interference, by restricting the area of slavitry, os But apart from all this, and whether this posi- 

11 la called, does nut have the elTert to liberate lion be true or untrue, what justice is there in 

sUvi'S, then nothing is accomplished to lessen Congress, whose powers arc given for the protec- 

njivery; but if the efl'ccl stiuuhl be to induce or lion of nil, lo legislate to the injury of the whole 

compel the master lo emancipate, then an end .Snuf/i, on the pretence of benefiting the territory ? 

would be produced by indinct meaiis, which it is Wlinl right has tlic common agent of the parlner- 

roncidid could not be coiiitlitiiiionully done by ship to inpire fifteen sovereign Sidtcs, t'ull meni- 

dirrrt mraiiN. 'i'hat would, consecpiently, be bers of the firm, even if it should benefit the com- 

legally and niftrally wrong, and if it should not mon territory or prcqieriy tr/t/ji/jin^ to the fiimf 

foll'iw, n« a seipience to reatnction, the sum of Noy, nir, is it not far better — more just — more 



M not be in the leant diminislied — so 
r cvMil, such inletfereiHc is h holly 

J • . and ought to be ciindeinned by all 

morable men, and by all lawz-abiding eilizeiiH. 
But It la Hiiinetimea said that, aliiiougli it will do 



patriotic — more in accoidance with the genius of 
<iur iiiHiiiuiiKiis, to huld the territory belnuj^ing lo 
the whole Union, and regulate it for tin; benefit of 
all, on terms of j'trlect eipialiiy, with protection to 
life, liberty, and property, until the time when 



no ffood lo the Union, and although it may inju- the soveingnty of the Union may permit the form- 

rkDUKly oflcct ihr old alavr States, yet it will aavc ation of an inde|iendrnt Stale, and llieii leave it 

t^^rrritory from slave labor, and thereby prove for the priq)le to settle the question for themselves f 

a owning to the iiihabilaiilM tlicrcof. ThisaophiM- liui, Mr. ('hannian, take another view of this 

tirn^vea Jins been urged ao i>ften, and with so subject. Su|i|iose restriciiiig the firrn of slavery 

murWopparcnt ainreritv, that It deserves a panaing should have the elfccl which is desired by its 

tiuticc. Let me oak now the exclusion of slave friends — liial of making ^slavery unprofitable and 



danfferoua, and thus coerce the South to emanci- 
pate — cmisiiler the mMi:i)iiu(lc of the evils which ' 
wouhi lie proiluoed. You take from the South 1 
the full value of their slaves, amounting to the 
enormous sum of at least i-ifteen uvnohed Mir, 
Lio\s nv dollars — ruining ihoustiuds of our hest 
citizfus, wlu) have done us uiuch to |iromolo the 
general prosperiij' of ilie country as any in the 
Union — reducing familips, widows, nnd orphans 
to poverty, beggary, and misery. Nor is this all, 
by any means. But by removing the fIJ'ective ;)o- 
llce, which every master has over the slave, they 
will be turned loose, unfitted for self-government, 
to prey u|K>n the properly, honor, and lives of the 
whites; aiul theft and robbery, rape and murder, 
will become the cvery-day crimes of that popula- 
tion. I speak not to alarm the fears of the timid, 
but to point out certain effects which must follow. 
The valualile productions of the coiuitry will 
dwindle into insignificance, ns they have done in 
San Domingo from the same cause. Landed es- 
tates and other property must depreciate — the 
whites will be harassed with the degraded blacks, 
who will jrrndually sink lower and lower in the 
sci^e of civilization, until simie outbreak will lead 
to a war between the races, to be terminated only 
by the expulsion or e.xtiuction of one or the 
other. 

It is certain the negroes ought not to be, and 
cannot be, made voters, and invested with part of 
the governing power of the country ; and the two 
races beinu; here in the same political community, 
it devolves upon the whites within their jurisdic- 
tion to regulate the relation between them, con- 
sistently with the rights of private property, so as 
to produce the least evil and greatest jood. That 
end, in my opinion, is best attained by slavery — 
making it the interest of the whites to protect and 
control the blacks, and thereby connecimg the vig- 
orou.^ intellect and active energy of the white man 
to euide, direct, and control the physical strength 
of the black man, and hence resuitins in compara- 
tive mutual advantage. As the two races are 
here, the l)lacks must either be supported by so- 
ciety, or help to sufiport society; and the relation 
of muste/ and servant, it seems to me, is best cal- 
culated to promote the interests of both. 

I am told, however, that the advocates of " free 
soil" do not intend to abolish slavery in the 
States, but leave that sul>ject to State rei^ulation. 
But such a decl.iration cannot satisfy me, nor in- 
duce me to withdraw my opposition. The Inten- 
tion with which the proviso is ursed, does not in 
a political sense change the tendency and effect of 
the act itself; and-it is very evident that ii must 
injuriously aiTect all slave property, and is, in fact, 
one of the links, in the abolition chain of meas- 
ures; and its tendency to produce abolition, is the 
main ground upon which many hiive adopted it 
and now support it. And if this measure is car- 
ried, we have no guaranty t-hat the work of aboli- 
tion will slop there — liy no mr-ans. The same 
princifile that prompted it, will urse on to other 
acts, never to cease until their ultunate purpose is 
accomplished. It i.s far better to contend with the 
enemy at the fiist, than wlien driven to the last 
verge of our riiihis. 

These considerations are designed to show the 
impolicy and impropriety of the aboliiion off- 
spring, " free soil," and the necessity of energetic 
constuutional resistance to its enactment. The 
measure can produce no fiossible good, but will 
inevitably result in much liarm. Besides, sir, is 



I not something due to the frnlernnj feeling which 
binds this Union to;»eilier? We are lireihren of 
the same pfditical ''^onfc leracy. We all no doubt 
sincerely love the Union, and desire its perpetuity. 
We see the South deeply excitfd on account of 
wrong.? which she deems real, and whic,h the 
North deems iinw^inarij. This deep feeling and 
excited ap]irchension on the part of the South, can 
nil be removed, and harmony and kind feeling re- 
stored, without any injury or sacrifice on the pari 
of the North. Then 1 ask, in the name of the 
Union, and in the name of the compromisins: spirit 
of our fathers who formed it, oii^htnot the North 
to desist and al)andon an ideal ethical dogma, 
which promises them no real good, but which the 
South regards as threatening her with ultimate 

I destruction. Whether the fears of the South are 
well or ill founded, neveriheless, when we .see 
such fearful consequences likely to result, will not 

; the pMlriotism of the North yield a mere abstract 
opinion, for the sake of restoring harmony and 
kind feeling between the dilTerent sections of our 
Union.' To the North it is a mere abstraction, to 
the Soulh it is vital — it involves everything. Why 
should the strong needlessly irritsUe the weak? 
Is that the way to preserve the Union.' But 
above all, and beyond every other consideration, 
the Constitution stands as the great bulwark 
to shield and protect the South in the enjoyment 
of her rights; and these anti-slavery schemes, if 
carried out, will be in derogation of the sacred 
guaranties of that solemn compact. The Union" ia 

I formed by the Constitution. Without it, there 13 
no Union. It is the only political bond that holds 

I us toijether: and every attack made upon it is an 
attack upon the Union itself. 

i It was especially designed to protect the mi- 
nority, situated as the southern States now are. 
The majority need n'o Constitution for their prb- 

I tection; but when they are making inroads upon 

i the only political safeguard of the minority, it 

' little becomes them to charge the weaker party 
with a design to dissolve the Union. The charge, 
in my opinion, is wholly unfounded. All they 

j ask is their equal rights under the Federal com- 

' pact. The veal disunionits are those who violate 
the Constitution of our Union; they are respon- 

i sible for all the excitement and all the dangers 
that surround us. 1 feel justified in speaking for 
Missouri, whose devoted attachment to the Unior^ 
cannot be surpassed by any other State. She will 

j be, as she now is, and ever has been, faithful to 
the Constitution, and vigilant in protecting the 
rights of her citizens. These duties are strictly 
conipatiblc, and as such she will certainly peiform 
them. Her vast interest in slave property amounts 

I to at least thiutv million's of i)oll.\rs, and this 

j would be pui in jeopardy by the measures of the 

\ ''Free-Soil " parly and their accessories. The 
wages of her industrious citizens, who earn their 

I living by the sweat of their brow, would be re- 
duced by the same means to ihe small pittance 
of New England wages. The security of all 
other private properly would be endangered by 
the sau'-tion of a principle which permitted one 
kind of properly to be destroyed or depreciated 
through the action of the General Government. 
Even the safety of life itself to all classes, rich or 
poor, without distinction, would be periled by 
threatening massacre, resulting from misrule, an- 
archy, and confusicm. She therefore, for the 
proleciion of life, lilierty, and property, to all her 
citizens — forall are deeply interested, whether they 



own slaves or not — has taken her stand under the 
Conniitution of the country, in firm opposition to 
free soil, by wlioiiisnever it nmy be advocated or 
encoiirageJ; and as one of her humble Rppresent- 
tttives, uimwed by the frdWiis of de.siiniii:^ men, I 
shall discharse my duly faithfully, and exert evrry 
power 1 possess, to protect the risrhts, the inter- 
cuts, ami the honor of the people of Missouri. 
The false and futile charge of nullification and 
disunion shall not drive me tVom my sworn duty; 
and in doini; tliis, I luuicsily bt-lieve it is the only 
means of preserving the Union. We cannot, and 
as members of this House wetlart not, attempt to 
dissolve this Union, which we have sworn to sup- 
port; but we should bnrare that we do nothin;; 
that will drive the people to madnc.«s, and force 
them, in the a^ony of despair, to make use of 
some revolutionary remedy, and sundt-r the polit- 
cal bonds that hold us together. And should that 
fearful crisis ever be /orrr J upon ih' people, the 
deep and wiiherin? e.Xfcraiioiis of mankind will 
b« upon those who passed and encouraged the 
oppressive mcnsiires that produce it. 

And now, Mr. Chairman, 1 will briefly call the 
attention of the committee to the difllrent sub- 
divisions into which this all-absorbinir question of 
slavery is divided. The whole suliject, with all 
Its grades, ontjiiiates in a spirit of opposition to 
the domestic institution of the South, ai-ul now 
embraces — first, tlie prohiliiiion of slavery in all 
the territory; seonnd, the abolition of slavery in 
the District of Columbia; third, the evasion of the 
consiiiuiionai provi.sion for the reciipture of fupi- 
live slaves; fourth, the abolition of .slavery in all 
southern forts, or oiher property belongitiir to tlie 
United States; and fifth, the prevention of the pas- 
sage of slaves from one slaveholding State to 
another, either by land or water, in coa.stine; ves- 
sels. All this is sought to be done against the 
e^rnc-it appeal and solemn remonstrance of the 
South. If consummnicd, .«lip must be completely 
and irretrievably mined. Her voire is therefore 
rained in defence of her diare.xt rights, and foi the 
inain'enance of the Union in its purity; and ue 
would be derelict in duty, if we did not pay proper 
resf'ict to it in the adjii.stment of this whole sub- 
ject. It otiglil to be done, it ran be done, and I 
still indulge the fond hope that it irill be done. 
Already are favorable indications coming to us 
from the North. The sincere friends of constitu- 
tional Union thf-re, not influenced by political 
trirksiers and deiii.igogues, but by a smse of honor 
and pnirioiism, exjirens a d< sire to selfle the rpies- 
lioil on principles of juHiirv; and erpinlily to the 
South, and thus forever remove the unfortunate 
elcmmt of discord. 

1 have submiiK'd a [irnpnsiiion by which the 
queMioM,in all the territory acipiiri-d from .Vlcxii-o, 
c«n be finally anil ilefiiiitrly seitlcd. It is, to ex- 
tend Ihi- Mi»ii«ouri compromise of 3fjO 30' due 
wmt In the I'iKifir orcnii, i-xr|ii(ling i<lavery north 
and allowing it souih of that line, while the ter- 
ritorial r.ondiiion reni'iiii*. This propo.<«iiion In 
mud'-, air, not lircnu'-e it is strictly ju»l lo ihf 
Sou'li, «ir thai ('•.ii:.'r<»N has any crriiiin coiiBiiiu- 
lioinil power lo mikr nnv rX'-luNion; but it iw 
riiad»' III the npiril of coiiiprumi^f, as ll»c least of 
Ihrr-Mitned rvil» — to prtserve the righls of the 
South in tome dfgrre — iim a prafr-uiTftiiia to Have 
the L'nioii from untold cjilninilit-i, aiil lo pacify 
the po'ilir tiiind nn this ii^'iinling iind fiHrfol sub- 
ject. As cxpreMNcd by a diniinuuiHlicd Senator, 
[Mr. Ut:iikitN,] it is justified on the principle. 



' that " the salvation of the people is the supreme 
law." It really amounts to a mere underslandins", 
to which public opinion and actual settlement will 
readily conform ; and under eNi.sting circum- 
stances there is mucli to recommend tlii.s plan of 
adjustment. On a former occasion, when the 
Missouri controversy arose, and iniei se excite- 
ment on this same question pervaded the entire 
Union, threatening disruption and dissolution, 
then this compromise wa.s ado[ited, and gave 
peace to the country, and comparative sutisfaction 
lo all. Public sentiment soon became pacified, 
and rational acquiescence gave it the force and 
efficacy of binding law. That compromise may 
not have been exactly right, but it was doubtless 
the best seillemcnt that could then be obtained, as 
I believe it is jioio. And being a compromise of 
conflicting claims and opinions, the country lias 
been disposed to abide by it, and regard it as for- 
ever settling the controversy between the North 
and South on the subject of restricting the area of 
slavery. 

This was so well understood by every part of 
the country, that the same principle was npplied 
by general consent, to the proposiiien for the an- 
nexation of Texas. 

Then our wise statesmen were unwilling to 
interrupt the cimipromise that had been eflected, 
and to open again for discussion this exciting and 
I erilous subject of dispute. They treated it as 
finally settled, and its application to acquisitions of 
new territory was considered as a matter of 
course. Hence the extension of the same line 
ihr.iiigh the territory of Texas. 

Since then. New Mexico and California have 
been acquired, and the same reason exists, 
strengthened by bitter e.vperienoe, for the applica- 
tion of that compromise to them. We should not 
destroy the ailjustment which was tflecied with 
so much d ffii-ulty, and open afresh the wound.s 
that endanger political existence. Rather let us 
adhere to it in good faiih, extend the line to the 
Paiific,and our countrymen will cordially approve 
the act. When great queslions which convulse 
the Union have once been amicably settled on 
terms of compromise, nothing short of imferntive 
necessity should ever indui-e a departure from it. 

This mode of settling the question, is also, in 
some degree, equitable in the division of the terri- 
tory. True, it will give to the North much the 
largest porljon, from which the slaveholder will 
be totally excluded; while in the residue, the North 
will have equal [.rivilfires v.ilh the South. The 
southern eiii/en might make some plausible corn- 
|»laini, though the northern citizen should be per- 
fectly content. But wiien it is remembered that 
this proposition i.-s in harmony with a prior com- 
promise of ihe question, it sei ms to me that both 
sections of I he Union should cheert'ully acquie.'sce 
in ii, for the sake of liic peace and liarniony of the 
whole country. , 

The Birengih of the Union depends in a great 
degree upon a spirit of kindnes.s and cordiality. It 
should be our piirpo.se to ciibivnte and dilVuse that 
feeliny; and in the iidjuslmint of all serious ron- 
IroverMts, spinal n lermce should be made to the 
means of exe-riing a genial influence on pulilic 
neniimeni. That which, under simih.r circuin- 
Kliinees, ban been so accpptnble heretofore, will 
surely now rcciive curelul and candid considera- 
tion. 

ISul ihrre is another reiison why I fee I it to be 
my duty to urge the adoption of the Missouri 



) 



compromise. The leo;islature of the Stale I in 
part represent, has passed resolutions of instruc- 
tion in favnr of it on two difTt'ient occasions. In 
1847 the following resolution was adopted: 

" Rcolrcd, Tli:U cmr S<'ii:il()r.-i in ilic (.'oimrcss ipftlieUnitt'd 
States ;i re Innliy In-liiiilid, iinil (nir Ki pre sciiliilivi-s re- 
qilislcd, toVDtf ill iii'(iiril:iMcc with ilic |)i(i\ IsIdiis anil Ilic 
spirit nf ihi' >ai(l ii:;liili scciiini nC llii' s;iiil acl [tliir cnni- 
prnMii.<i'J HI all i|ur..tiiiiis wIikIi may cnini: Ixlore lliriii in 
relaiiDM lo llu' (irj;:iiiizaii(iii nl new icrritmii-.s, or StiUis out 
of the territory now hehinuiiiL' l" the United Slates, or 
which kcrciijter inaybc i„ijuiicil, citlur I y jiui chu:>i; liylrcahj, 
or liy coiiijHcsl." 

This resolution, instrucling the Senators and re- 
questing the representatives, is plainly and expli- 
citly in favor of the compromise I am now advo- 
catins:, and for its application, not only to territo- 
ries, but also to Slates. Nor has this resolution 
ever lieen repealed. In 1845), the legislature de- 
clared, " that for the sake of liarmony, and for the 

• preservation of our Federal Union, we [they, the 
' General Assembly] will still sunclion the njiplica- 
' tion of the ])rinci])les of the Missouri compromise to 

* the recent territorial acquisitions," &c. 

The will of the Slate, thus clearly expressed, is 
strictly binding u|>on the Senators, and should in- 
fluence all her servants in their political action. 1 
shall therefore most heartily vole for the compro- 
mise, knowing it to be the will of my Stale, and 
especially my district, and believing it best calcu- 
lated to restore quiet to the people, and peace and 
security to the Union 

It tnay be said by way of objection, that this 
compromise line will not iiannonize with the 
geogiaphical conformation of the territory, and 
consequently produce some inconvenience to tlie 
settlements. 

Ee this as it may, I hold the permanent good of 
our present Union paramount lo all considerations 
of convenience to the territories. And besides, it 
is well known that the habits of society, and the 
customs of communities, will so(<n adapt them- 
selves lo the fixed rules adopted in the exigency 
of public necessity — so that no serious evil would 
be felt, and no great inconvenience experienced, 
even in the territories themselves; wliile lo the 
Union it would be as the bow of promise in the 
heavens — a perpetual covenant of concord and 
peace. 

Tliis proposition, sir, will dispose of the whole 
territorial aspect of ilie question. Nothing will 
be left for future strife and conlenlion. No dema- 
gogue ran a^ain raise the question of '\free soil." 
No political as[)irant can hereafter use it as an in- 
strument to convulse the nation, and elevate him- 
self to power on the hypocritical cry of " Union,'" 
which he, himself, had endangeri d. All will be 
quiet, all will be peace, all will be harmony. But 
almost any other disj)osition which may be made 
of this branch of the sulject, will leave something 
open for future difTiculty. Quesiioris will be raised 
conccrnins: slavery in tlie territory, the admission 
of States, or some other matter connected with 
the dangerous suliject. The worst passions of the 
human heart will again be aroused, and in a 
phrensied nioment ihe lurch may be applied to 
the beautirul fabi ic of republican liberty. Let us 
now, once and forever, prevent a recurrence of 
these dislracting scenes, and add an additional 
guaranty, to the safety and perpetuity cf our in- 
stitutions. 

But, Mr. Chairman, we should not slop with 
the adjustment of the territorial question. Now 
that the subject is up for action, every branch of 



it should be amicably dispoBed l^f, to the Batififac- 
tion of the parties interested. That provision of 
the Constitution which was intended to secure 
the rr'covery (if fugitive slaves, in every pari of 
the Union, requires additional legislation lo give 
it full force and practical i fleet. When the Union 
WHS formed, this provision conslitiiicd a .sine qua 
71071 lo its formatiim — a pledge to the South, wiih- 
oiit which they never would have become parlies 
to the compact. It was supposed lo guaranty 
the recafiture of slaves, in every non-slaveholding 
Stale, with the same facility thai lliey could be 
recaptured in the slave Slates, and is as obligatory 
as any other pari of the Constitution. Hut has 
that just expectation been realized .' Has the South 
been enalded to reclaim her fugitive slaves.' Has 
this clause of the coiTipacl i)cen observed, and 
carried out in good faith.' We all know ihe con- 
trary. We know it has been nullified in thou- 
sands of instances by northern citizens, and the 
provision has become almost wholly nugatory. It 
is with the utmost didiculty a fugitive slave can 
be reclaimed after having once escaped into a non- 
slaveholding State. Combinations and mobs are 
formed lo prevent the recapture. Fiaud, artificfe, 
and force of arms are resorted to, in order lo defeat 
the constitutional rights of the slaveholders. 
Even judges of coiu-ts and swcrn officers of the 
law, as well as State governments, have inter- 
posed obstacles, to prevent tlie reclamations. Liv- 
ing in a border State, I have occasion to know by 
sad experience the serious injuries growing out of 
a disregard of this provision of the Constitution. 
My neighbors, and friends, and constituents, have 
sufi'ered immense lossf s from such Abolition dep- 
redations. It is time the necessary remedy was 
applied. It is time the spirit of the compact was 
rigidly enforced, and that protection to southern 
property afforded which was originally designed. 
A southern citizen cannot travel North with his 
servant, on pleasure, on business, or even lo dis- 
charge his official duly as a member of Congress, 
without losing his property, or avoid it with the 
utmost difficulty. A friend of mine, urder such 
circumstances, had his servant stolen from him, 
and run off, in utter disregard of the Constiiution; 
and yet lliese are the men and their aiders and 
abettors who have the audacity to charge the South 
wiih disunion, while tliey have already abrogated 
one of the solemn articles of the compact, and de- 
stroyed that important safeguard to protect south- 
ern property. 

The necessary remedy — to correct the evil, and 
give efficiency lo the Constitution — is of a two- 
fold character. First, Congress should pass a 
stringent law, providing all the requisite facilities 
for the appreiiension and delivery of fugitive 
slaves, and making it highly penal for any person, 
in any manner, lo obsirucl or interiupt the due 
execution of its provisions, wiih proper punish- 
ment for aid ng and encouraging the escape of 
slaves. A law of that dcscripiion is demanded by 
the public interests, and from present appearances 
I believe there is a disposition in Congress to pass 
it. A bill for that purpose is now jieiiding in one 
branch of Congress, and i trust it will soon be- 
come the law of the land. But something more 
should be done. The States, who are parties to 
the cimipact of union, should see that the bond 
of union is duly observed within their limits. 
They should, therefore, pass the necessary laws 
to suppress these combinations and tfiVirts to pre- 
vent the recapture of fugitive slaves. There should 



6 



be hearty cooperat||on on this subject between all the 
nicmliers of the Utiion. If these things were done, 
the Coiiiiiitiiiion would be, as its frnmcrs intended 
it, a shitld and protection to private rights and pri- 
vate pro,ierty; nnd in this connection it is proper 
to remark that I do not wish to be understood as 
chara;in!: every northern citizen with violaiin* the 
Corstiuiiinn on this subject — by no means. I 
know there are many hi^h-minded, nolilc-heorted, 
and patriotic citizens in the non-slaveholding 
States, who acknowledge the oblii:aiion of the 
Consiiiutinn, rondemn the Abolition efi'orts, and 
render firaiscworthy assistance to a master in pur- 
suit of his runaway slave. I am sorry that this 
commendable class is not more numerous. Rut 
there is another class, much larsjer than the former, 
who, thou^:h they would not be euilty of kidnap- 
piiiff, yet will do nothing; to prevent it, and will 
^ive " a'nl and amfort'"' to the fugitive. And there 
IS still another class, more powerful in their action 
than all others combined, who will resort to any 
and every means to steal, secrete, and run off, a 
slave from his master. They are the mischief- 
makers, who have dotie so much harm to the 
slaves, to the masters, and to the whole country. 
And I am sorry to add, that their power and in- 
fluence are such as to exert a controlling influence 
in many of the Slates. Wnh them, the solemn 
compact of the Constitution^— the certain precepts 
of posi'ive law — the sacred rights of private prop- 
erty — the holy tenets of Christianity — all are dis- 
regnrddl and swept away by the fell spirit of 
fanaticism. And yet, stranse to tell, they are 
courtfd and carc.=sed by political partisans and as- 
pirin? demaEo>rties, until their power has become 
formidable, and hence has resulted the serious and 
crying (viis of which we so jus-ily complain. 

Bill tie p,is.«a2e of the laws I have indicated, if 
fai'liful'v executed, will, I hope, remove this 
gricvatici, and enable us to glide on sniooihly and 
harmoniriusly, as brethren of the same Govern- 
ment, owing allegiance to the same Constitution. 

Thus fur in the adjuf-tment of the sul ji-ct, ;)&.n- 
tire Bciioi) is rfquirtd to do justice to the country, 
and to pnrify the turbulent elements of discord. 
For the other branches of the sul ji-ct, ntgalh-e ac- 
tion is necessary — in other worcTr', a settled and 
fixed iiiid('r.ituiidin<r, that no f (Torts shall be made 
by Cot grr.-s to abolish slavery in the District of 
ColumliiH, or in any fort or other-propei ty belong- 
ing lo the I'niied Slates, situated in a hiave State, 
nor lo interrupt the [lassage of alaves from one 
Slate lo another. ThiH is demanded to quiet the 
Bpprr-lienninns of the South, and to give a^sllr' nccs < 
of Xfcuniy and p«Bce. For this purpose, let a' 
Roh'itin di'i'liirairiry joint renoluiion to that ( fleet 
be paHvrd Ly Congre.-'H, and approved by the I'resi- j 
dent. Hiing a part of the gtufral plan of com- 
promioc. It will have a dej;n-c of t-anctity thrown 
around it which will jirodure a great moral iiiflu- ' 
enre on the public mind. It is Iriir, »iirh a reso- 

lij' ! not lie rcBpertrd by ihosp who disre- 

g lltiilion. ihgnlcd fnliallcH Would rail 

• ? ' 'k lo deNlroy It, MH till y now do ihiir 

ru«itJdiii<-iiini liiw; but the great body of the peo- 
ple wouUl regard it nn the fixed purpose of the 
G(i\rrr<meni, dcirrminrd on in the s|iirit of ron- 
ciiintioii, to allny the fenr* of ihr Smiih, nnd giad- 
unlly iiorihern rcniimrnl would niould itself in 
conmrmiiy with this settled piirpoii*-. 

Ours IS n Uovcriiment of limited nnd specifieH 
powrrs, hut IIS (Tariic^l ndiDiniklrntioii ilr|iendN 
Upon the |>o{iular will. Whatever, ihercforc, can 



influence the public will, and settle it down upon 
n just appreciation of constitutional obligation, is 
of the utmost imiiortance to the statesman who 
seeks his country's good. The delilieraie declara- 
tion of the Government made on this subject, in 
connection with the adjustment of the who'e con- 
troversy, to .save the Union from the siarilin>j dan- 
gers that surround it, will go forth to the cuintry 
in an imposing aspect, and exert an irresistible 
influence on the intelligent mind. The harassing 
agitation will grow less and less. The northern 
masses will discountenance the wicked incendiary; 
the southern citizen will feel secure under the 
protection of the Constitution. Peace will f.pread 
over us as a mantel, the kindly feelings of the 
human heart will be called into lively exercise, and 
brotherly love will unite us together, closer and 
closer, in perpetual bonds of mutual interest and 
fraternal regard. 

Mr. Chairman, these brief hints and sugges- 
tions are m:ide with the sinceie desire of eliciting 
some just plan of amicable compromise. That 
which I have proposed is reasonable and just, and 
sui,ted to the present distracted condition of the 
country. It will inflict no injuries upon the North, 
and it will calm the troubled mind of the South. 
The whole qufsiion will be disposed of, and no 
bone of contention left to disturb our peace, and 
excite one section of the Union against another. 
For these reasons I am anxious to see this plan 
adopted; but 1 am ready and willing to .■support 
any other mode of adjustment which may be more 
acceptable to all paities, nnd better calculated to 
promote the ends of justice, and preserve the equal 
rights of the members of this confederated Union. 
Indeed, so far as the territorial branch of the ques- 
tion is concerned, (he Mi.-souri compromibe is not 
the proposition 1 would prefer, if 1 had my choice. 
Hut a« concc-'sions are necessary to etl'ect a com- 
plete seltlrnicnt — as the State of Missimri has 
twice instructed in favor of it — and wiih the hope 
and expectation of bringing the North and South 
to common ground, and bilcnce the clamor of free 
foil in all time to come, I am ready to yield so i'dr, 
and make a final and conclusive tlisposiiion of the 
subject on the terms I have proposed. 

Mr. Cliairiiinii. n fi« «ouls with nf< iiiice to Cn!ifiiniin. 
A liill i» iiciiiliiic; Tiir ln-r ailiinssiuii iiiio iIm- t'liitm ns ii State, 
uitli llie IxiiiiKlMiiis ^he c'liiiiii!i, luiil uiilmiii si tiling ur ut- 
lt iiiplini; (CI selllf, iiiiy of tin- mini- ihkm.chh ih'w :isriliilinK 
tile |iiil)lie niid ri>(liniK> rinir llie I'nioii ini iIk- Milijeil of 
«l»viiy. It is s|i<i'iiill) oi|;iilnii(l ikImii.iu >l li\ ilie Atvli- 
lioiiUls mid l-'ixe Soiii IS. Tioiii llu- liul liiiil slio.iy \\\'\ l)C 
r>>ii v< r I'Xi'liiilril, anil thus sii c-oiiiplisli nil llit ) il< sir< il fiom 
I fie Wiliiiot |iio\is<i. t \« it an i iluis, liiiwt vir, w In > will also 
<ii|i|»<i( II, liiil roiii <litV< II lit I'liiiMilt'inliiiiiii. liiiili III' Ilu-SH 
clussi* nre ill I'n^orol iiiliiiillili^ C'liliruiiiiii ii.lo ilii I'liioii :it 
iinceiitnn ii ili'|>i luliiii Stnie : iln liisi i-lntsfiooi it hcmuse 
tliivi r> uill III' ilieiiliy tM-liitli il, mill ilii- liiilii' I'liMir it imt- 
IV I haini iliiif; {\ii- ixrliisiiili. 1 liiiii- no iltsiu- to iiii|>ii|;ii the 
iiiolisi t oruii) man's iHiliiinil anion, liiii ihi t'i>ii«>i|iii iiis it— 
itilliiii: riiiiii II t'liiisiiltili u !• piiii iiliMiliii il III iioi siiFDiion. 

Anil, lir.foi OIK I cnniiiii n hkiiiIi it uiili n.y si ii«r iil' diiiy 
III I III' Sinn- i.r Missouri. Ill si/ie Tin ilir iiiliiiissii ii i.l't iilirornin, 
%sitli hi r pri-si in liiiiii.iluiii s. imili i i xikiin^ci'iri'iinisiiii.ii t. iiiul 
I lite till mill riKiiisi r iliis ilillli'iili iiiiililiinirt ii'iis siili,|ici im- 
uiljiisiiil anil iiiisi nil il. I'.iii I ui-li 11 ili-iii ei!y iiiuii i^looil 
ll'ui I till iiiii I |'|ii I' III iliiriiiii. nr ilir iiiliiissiiiii'i I iiiiv iilliir 

Slut', rniii ill.- II' fill I tli:il ilii' |iioplr iliiiiiii ilicide 

nirninsl ill! iiitliiiiiiiiii of it i >tir siutrr). Ksiry snseriitrn 

Sliile is eiilii id iiiili n riiiine Ihul qiiitiiiiii I'lir liiVo II' The 
uiveii iKii \t i.pli' me llir Im'I ,iiiil|r<-<> ol' iln ir oSMi wiiiiti and 
ilii irouii ml' lists; nnd so t'ai ii« ('on, ii >« it iiiiu'i nnd, iiiy 
rhi.icr (inil pii r. rii d piinri|ili' i» iimi nilrrrniln.n. to Im- 

■'■"'••' " '•■ Inn tpiiit mill hiiin-»t nnilii'tliinilinf;. At 

list III nrliinl aid tral iiiin-iiiii ivi nii'ii. iiiid 



Ihi 

Mil nil III) /i/rMi>/r>/uiid uanniifil, I 
Ihi inilh. iimI t;ild niirllii sriii im 
nnili island iln il< eliimiT 
n'l^rtiCr ofantf r.ifrniiroUM 



roiu'i hI and cuvtriip 

r ihr .tliolllliil isls. I 

iin-iiiii I VI III inn lo iiu an l/irrniire 

<ijhirt,ir "I' c-iiisiitn nlutii.iu ixiny. 



»l" ir ftir wif utitj r .1 I r u iiruus i fit :/f f. ( r "I f iiJISiliri til "'11 , ' V J u f/ys 

■ttnifi, iliiril, or loiilrolllirjiiilyiiiriil or fir iuu tj ihr firo/ilr, 
with r^'eicitcc lo thciubjcct uj'tlaicry—t/ial thry t/iull be l^i 



to their own c/wUi- niiil own iliicrrtio'i to iletermiue the i/iies- 
lion on iis mcrilx. I'liis wm iln- vkw luki-ii i.f it in llii- inn- 
ViissoflHjs, by ilie lli-iiioiiatic iiuicy, iiiiil l>) Ui-mnil Ciiis, 
tlifiiciiiidiiliiif r,ii- ilir|iitsiil,iiev. Ill thai siiisf, 1 liuvi- al- 
ways biLii iM lavor i>l it, ami uin w yi I. 

Uut, sir, lias mn iiuii-iiiti-rvL'iitioii, as lliiis imiiIiisIimhI, lii-rii 
ai>plied lu falili.rnin T Have- the i.ro|>lf tli.n- lii-.ii Kll |hi- 
fi-Ttly fiLV (.1 clio.isi' or ii'liisr »lavLiy, anil iiillii.iu-.il aluii.- by 
ihi'ii- invii iiiu.iii iiiDii ' lo answer iln si' iiiiiiiin(.'S, lit tlie 
fiicti U- aiMiRid anil can I'liily consul, iril. 

Uiiiint,' "i' st^siiin orConi^riss in 18 H,|)iM|H>siti(ins wcrf rc- 
pcatcdly iiiaiU- lu jjivc kov. riiimnls lo Canroinia, anil (In- 
oilifr teiiiioiy, «ii|i,)iit an\ |Mc)vi-.ion in ri^aril lo slaviiy, 
Icaviiiij I lull s'lilijict lo bjilJiriiiniKil l)j llir |k-o|)Ii- acconlin;; 
to tlicirovvn will and pliMsinv ; anil ilial iiioili- was called ;i'//i- 
interwutiuii. li was |n-, ss, d ai<aiii and ii^'ain, bin was as 
oftfii ivjickil bv liu- niaioiiiy— iliijs lUclarniu- lo tin- uirito- 
licsaiid toilic woilil tlnit Coiu less would mil iccusni/.c ilic 
piiiiciplf of iioninUTii nllon. The same Conjciess rcfiiseil 
to fjive any f;o\ erniiienl or |notectioii to the tenilories, unless 
coiinecteil Willi ibe \\ iliiiot jn-oviso, cNcliidiiig slavery and 
proliibilin^- ibe termories I'loiii sellliiii^ it lor llieiiiseUes. All 
lliis is tVisli III tlie recolli clion ofnieiiilKis now present. 'I he 
Hoiue of R ■|.iiseiualives on several occasions passed the 
Wilniot proviso, and it was nitiiiialely sanctioned by the 
Senate in consequence of the defection of a Senator from my 
own Stale. From these facts it was evident no government 
could be obtained for the territories, in the then state oflhiiiL'i; 
without a piiiitive eiiaotment excliidiiif; slavery. Koris tills 
all. Most of the northern ijtate LesislaUires had declared 
against ilie admission of any mort slave btates. The same 
tbiinj had beeM iluae liy nurtiiern politicians, public speakers, 
mass meetings, and societies, evincing a fixed purpose and un- 
alterable deierniinatiiUi to 0)>i) se the principle of non-intei- 
vention,and compel (he insertion of a provision i'ore>er exclu- 
tling slavery. 

Now, when the convention assembled in California, these 
facts were all before them. I'hey saw that Coiigi ess had re- 
pudiated the doctrine of non intervenlicni ; that Congress had 
refused to trust the decision of the question to the discretion of 
the territory ; tliat Congress had shown a settled detenniiiation 
to exclude slavery theiifrom; that the northern States and 
northern jn-esses, and northern feeling, were ri-solved to pre- 
vent the admission of any more slave Stales; that the majority 
in Congress were determined on the same course ; and seeing 
this, they knew that the only possible chance to be admitted 
into the Union as a State was, to ]> oliibit slavery therein. 
Tne force of necissity, growing out of llie action of this body, 
compelled them to proliioit slavery. They believed it was the 
only means of obtaining a gjveinaieiit. That belief was pre- 
dicated on the prior action of the Free-Soil majority. here. 
The question actually before them was a ;^ovcniincnl exclu- 
ding sUivei ij, i)V no ifoveriinient at all. Under these circuni- 
sianees, they decided , and that decision is now before us. 
Hut can that be called nou-inteivention^ Were they at li- 
berty to exercise ill -ir discivlioii on the subject :' Could they 
expect to beadiuitted as readily icilh as ivi/lioul slavery i" No, 
sir; no. I'here was a manifest coinpuU-ion operating upon 
tlieni ; and to call such a decision volunta y, and the i\ suit of 
non-intervention, is as contradictory as to ^ay a man parted 
with his leg from rhuice, « hen, ill point ot f.ict, you had 
wounded it, and caused it lo tester, and iiillame, and mortify, 
until amputation became necessary to save life. 

Sir. in this conneclion there is another fact worthy of con 
sideratioii. \\'lien ih proposition to excUide slavery was 
pending iiefoie the convention of California, llie propriety of 
submitting iliat question lo the direct vote (,f ihe people, in a 
separate article, was suggest-d, and )et the cuiiveiiiion did 
not permit it to be done. I'hey wiiiiid not tru-.l the question 
to the [tco'ile. I hey Jilaced the whole coii%iitiiiioii as a unit 
bcfiire them, and compelled ihem to vole for it. including the 
prohibition of slavery, or against tlie w hole, w huh w oual have 
lefttliem w iihont governuHiitaiul wlihout proteciion. Hence, 
the people tin ll.^elves have never had an opportnnit) totleter- 
mine this question, as free moral agents. Constiaint and co- 
ercion a e exhibited throughout the whole pioc, I dings. On 
a questiiui so impoitant and so delicate, it was certainly due 
to tJie people of ihe territory, as well as the whole Union, that 
it should have been snbinitled as a single question to a dir. ct 
decision of the qualified elecloi-s. And not only so, but the 
w hole sirocture of the I'll nda men la I law should have been kit 
to those w ho, in a correct sense, are rili^ens, domiciled there, 
and wboaieto live under the constitntioii after its adoption. 
It is well known thai a very large niiiiiberor tli.jse who parti- 
cipated in that inoveineiu are still citi/.ens of other Stales of 
the Union. I hey le t their families in the hiali s, at Iheir 
liermaiieiit homes, and went to California for a leniporari/ 
/jur/me; and it is not just for tin m tosha|ietlie institutions 
of a government under which they are not to live. It is coii- 
tiary to the wt llestabhshed principle of selj'-^uvrriiment. 
'Vhe /jerinnnent c.ti/.eiis of a country shoii d govern it, and 
not strangers and adveiiiiiii i-s, however worthy, who Irappen 
to be within its limits. And if it would be an arbitiaiy act for 
Congress to interfere in such caMs, it would certainly be 
equally objeciionable for citi/.ens of other St ites, after filling 
to get Congress to do so, to interfere and accomplish tile same 
thing. And what right had the Executive to advise the erec- 



tion of a Slate, ivlieii Coiigrt-st had rei'mr.il to pnii a law au- 
lhon/.iiig the «aiiie thing!' 'the Kxeciiiivc udvii<'>,eiicuuni- 
gen, and accoiiiplishrs w hat Congrm had refused lo permit 1 
And with all this evidence befon me, 1 am to lie told that it n 
the qiiintesM'iice of noii-iiiter\eiiiion ! Sir, the case is quite 
anoiiiiilous anil most extraordinary. 

Hut, to t. St the sinceiily of geiiileiiien, niid lu bring about a 
Correct iindeistanding ot each other's conduct, I u ill siibunl a 
liro|>osilioii. 1,1 1 us organi/.eteirilorial governments lor New 
Mi xico, foi l)eseret,aiicl for California, aiuhuri/.ing the latter to 
form a conslilutimi Jiia as tli, y may p'.easi , provided it be 
re|)ub:iean, anil guar ml) ing her admission iiiio ih- Union. 
Mow maiiv gnileiiien pic's nl wniild vote lor thai proiiosition? 
llowmaiiyol' ilio,e who pr. tend to belli favor of non-inter- 
vention would siippoil a pioposilion, uliirli is siiili in pointop , 
fact, and which would submit the (lueslion cseliisu. ly lo the 
people? No trouble or inconvenience wooKI arise Iromit. 
The people winild be proli eled, and society more sellied, ainl 
better prepared lo frame their lundamental law. 'I'lu y would 
then come iiilo ill • Union in the regular way, they would 
settle the question for iheinsi Ives, under the assiiiaiice that 
they had their choice ; anil pi'aclieal non-intervention would 
be carried oiil. I his ilisjiosiiion of ihe subject wciiiid jiacify 
the South, and it could nol possibly operate lo ihe iiijniy of 
any seclion of the Union. And surely the North should be 
satisfied Willi it ; for I hey have already, by keeping up iheagi- 
taj-ion, kejit the slaveholders from going to California, and the 
Free Soilers are now exulting at having accumjilidied that 
much of their unjust scheme. 

Another objeciion to ihe admission of California at this time 
is, the unreasonable boundary she claims, 'ihe subject of 
boundaries for a new State, falls approiinalely within the duly 
of Congress. California claims the while Pacific eoa-l, from 
Oregon to the Mexican line, making about nine huiulied milts 
of coast line, and nearly equal, in degrees of latitude, to the 
distance Iroin Galena to Nalcliez. 1 his is too long for one 
single State, and should be curtailed by us to some reasonable 
length. I have, therefore, jiibinitted an amendment, to make 
the southern l)ounitiny of Califinnia the line of 31)-" 30' north 
latitude, leaving siiHicient terrilmy south of that line for 
aiioiher excellent State. This amendment is offered in obe- 
dience to tlie instructions of the State of Missouri, to whom I 
am iinderso many obligations for past favui^, and whose ex- 
pressed will it affords ine a pleasure to obey. She has in- 
structed her Senators and reqif sted her Kepresentaiives to 
vote lor the application of the line of ifP 30' to the organizfi- 
tiun of territories or States. '1 he iiistiiiction is obligatory 
U])oii the Senaiois, and I will not disregaril llie request. Itis 
just and proper in itself, and will niakeaii equitable division of 
the terrilory. California will slill be kfi siillieieiill) laigefora 
Slate, and will still be nearly tiviee the size of Miisouri. And 
if this amendment is rejected, and the voice of .Missouri ii) 
f ivor of It unheeded, and if no satisf iclory adjustment is made 
of thewh lie <iiu.stion, I shall be constraineil lo vole ag^ainst 
liir admission into the Union. With such a vast exient of ter- 
ritorial limits, and with her rich resources, she would become 
too large in popiilatiuM, and overwhelming in her inllueiice, for 
the satety and equality of tlie Slates. And especially would 
it be unsafe and dangerous to the South to braig into the 
Union such a State, to liavelh..- weight of her iiiHin lice thrown 
in the scale against her, while any nnporUnt pait of the deli- 
cate and ditticult question of slavery remains unsettled, and 
subject to five-soil aggressions. If the ^orIh refuse to do lu 
justice now, we could uot expect anylhing belter after their 
strenglh had becime increased. If they refuse to settle the 
question on living teilns at this time, how can we hope for it 
when they shall have obtained additional power? If she is 
not ileaftoihe voice of justice and constitutional right, the 
entire question can now be finally and amicably disposed of; 
and if she is dc af, why should we seek lo add to her power of 
o)>pr. Ssioii. .\ refusal to give us ji fair settlenieiit Insecure our 
I properly, shuuld satisfy ihe most incredulous, that the design 
is to carry on thttinoaiiiral warfare until the wli.ile sysrem of 
anti-slavery aggri ss'fon shall be fully consuinniati.d. Whyro 
much anxiely to admit California under tin se circumstances ? 
It does not settle the present eoniioversy. It dins not piiimise 
IIS peace. Why not establish a good territorial governuK-nt 
wiiliuut the Wilmot | rot .so, lu continue until .h population 
shall become harnt'inize'lyw the order of society , and then per- 
mii the fornialioii of a Slate i,'overiiiiii iil, wiih proper bouu- 
d.iries, on the true principles of non-intervention ? It is con- 
tended, however, that California cannot be leiiianded lu the 
territorial conditiini, and to support that argiiimnt we are re- 
ferred to the Missouii controvirsy. Cientlemen overlook thfi 
fact that Calif.irnia is yet a teiritoey, and not an indepi ndent 
.Stale ; and that no remnniling is necessary. .Missour was nil ' 
inilepeiiileiit iita{x-, forineiliu coni/ilifinre nilh n Invj of Con- ^ 
gress authorizing it. Sliecunscqiieiill} could not be \\ mand-* 
ed. Nut so with California. Slie is not yel a Siaie.and never 
can become one, without the consent of Congriss, except by 
revolution for separate independence as a nation. There 
is no analogy in tlie two cases. There is not the first 
point of ivseinb'ance between them. 'I hey aix- wholly dis- 
similar in facts, princi-ik's, and attending circiiinstances. 
The one was a Slate, the other is not ; the one w as formed by 
consent of Congress, the other is an attempt at foriiiation not- 
witlisianding the refusal of such consent; the one was created 






8 



in Ihr r»-.ii!nr, l>i^l »«jp ; tli«- uthrr by ilungrniut u<urp»tion. 
'11. •/ uf Ih.' Iiniliny U crnaiiily vitlitl ill llic 

L' ■ .il nil iiiilt'iieii Ji lit Siutf can Ik- Ibrinrd iheiviii 

*!• ■• III of tin* luprriitr su\Tir\j'nl<i, or liy re- 

»o I..... , ... ..,>liiii|; nil iiiilrpi'iitlfiil iiiiliuii. C"oiiK.f»5 c-aii 
oiil\ mdiiii mill tlir L'liiiiii »uvi.Ui;;ii, iiidi |ii iiili'lil SIal«-«. and 
caiiLoi rmiipt'l lln-iii tu ii|i|il\ I'nr ailiiii»ii>ii. I( it, uiul iiiiist 
U.IM;: V .1 t iliiiiUiiy u|i|ilirMlt<iii I'll ilii'ii' |iait. Now. if'llii- 

I I' u^, or «ii> olIiiT |»ti|>lf III in;; in tin- ti-nilury 
ol -III*, cnii ci'iiilfiiii iiiili III iiili-iit State- wlnii 
()■ ; ; till not Htk to lit- nilniitlt'il iiitii III.' L'liiiiii, till- 
jiirmlati 11 <•! tin- I'lnit-d Sialis limy Ih- oikIxI at any liiiir, 
anil ibt- tiinin- by uliicli tlir ti-rntoruii nri- lirUI, ii v»ry pi-e- 
cniiuiit, iiiilit-il. Sir, ihi- |Mi<itiuii, iliut Siatt-s may Ik- i-ivutt-d 
viiliiiiii :iiiil uynhitr thf i-oiiii-iit ol Coiiirit-o, will nut htar 
till- ii-'it 1.1 c 1.1 iiivntik^uiioii. It i< iiiri>ii'ii<ti'iii uiili ilif iia- 
tiin- 1. 1' ilir 1 :.iiiuii I \iiiiiii; Im twt-cii ilii- ti rrilory and our 
Uovimiiii lit. lint mIii'Ii tin- |)i'ii|i!i- do liiriii a Stan- (fuvi-rii- 
liii-iit, till) li:ivr lilt- iiiidiMibtt'd iii;lit to ^lla|ll' llit-ir instilii- 
tioiit nri-oidiiie to tlitir o>mi will and |ilt-:isiiri-, anil t-aset 
liii^lit :iri«t- wlii'ii liny «iiuld Im- jnttilii il in nsuiting to llit- 
n-toiiitioiiiiry n?lit, anil ai-l »itlioiit tin- I'liiitiiit of C'oii(;rt ss ; 
but nIiII It uoiilil Im- II iv«ulii(iiiii, ami nut ilii' t-\i-rcist- of u 
con rini'iinnl fiiivilct;r. ('uliloinia, tluii, nut btini; Hli iii- 
di-|><'iiili-i:t sipit', has no HkIiI lo insiii ti|inii ndiiiiMiun. Hut 
iiiitttiili«l..iuiiiii; all thi-ic Valid olijictiiiiis. I :iin,ii<.'verthelt'SS, 
willini; III Milt- lor lit-r odiiii'xiiiii. »illi snitablt'- btiiiiidarii'i, 
piotidtd Uf.cxii nlw iiiiikt- a tiiial niljii>lin nl of ilit- siiliji ct 
ol" ilit|iiiti' on viiiilat-tory ti riiit. lor ilu liKiiiii; tjood ul' ilit- 
Union, I will riirt');ii obji ciiiiiK utiicli, iinik-r «ili. r ciiciini- 
•laiict-n, 'thoiild jntiil'y lu-r ii-jtctioii ; anil I would ll-i 1 aiitliuri- 
T.«ii to diiio I'miii tliii consiiUiiiiiu.i. 1 liuu^ch tin- pri it-i.ilt d 
roiittitiitiuii ori'aliruniiii i\ nil ill«-|;itiiuati- otiVpriii); iiriisiirp- 
t-d |Mj»i-r, )t-t Wf i-oiild now It-giiliv.e tilt- act by ijiviiig a toii- 

II lit uhich would al'tirward bi- coiistruiil, nii tin- pniicipli- of 
prviiiniptiiin, to apply to iliv tiiiii-iirili lornialinn. I Inn Iht- 
S'litt- ci.uid Ik- ailniittt'd into tin- Uiiiim, and thi-sutwo acts 
iini^it ('\iii Ik- euiitt-iii|>uniii<'oiis in pnii.t of linif. Rut this 
t-xtmordiiiary pioci-tdiii); ilioiilil nt-M-r bi- toltnitt-<l, i-xci j)t in 
oil 1 tif , Mnnu- iii'C'-Sii'y. A lull and liarinonious st-ttlt-nit-nt 
of ihi- whiili- »lavf (|ut-Mion wmild bi- mk-Ii n last- of iii-cfssity. 
Witliout 4iu-li st'ttli mint, wt- could not Ik- Jiistitit'd in rality- 
iiip tbf illi i^il acts of Califurnin. It would be itgjiidi d by ilie 
Almlilionitti and Knt- Soilti-s, all of wliiiin u-il/iuul exception, 
iupiiort it :ii u coinjilrtc- triiinipli ; uiid it would in-ilatt.- and 
wtakiii tilt- South, anil inciia»i- iht- inibanassmenls whith 
■Iri-uily >ui round this must dilikullvnd dan^i-roiis of nil other 

• Ulljll'lt. 

.Mr. Cliainiian, I have now given, with as much brevity as 
(Mntible, ni) honest convictions with repaid toihe means by 
uhirh roiistiliilioiial uiiiiiu c.Mi be presrr>'til, and the equal 
riifhtsof the States inaintxiiiiid. 1 have purposely omitted the 
iiiS't-<liK:iliiin of the li f:^.il (pitstioiis cuiici riiintc the .MeNican 
laws III ihe territmy, niiil lln- want ot power iiiidi r the Coiisii- 
luiinii to t-xeludeany kindof prupert) Irom thcjiublic domain. 



Tlifsc I may lake ocrasion to examine at some future lime, 
• but for the pn sent I have confined myself to the practical 
' plans tifsatiif.ictiii-y udjiislnient' '1 he safety of the Hepiiblic 
' IS too iin|i<ir(ant to iiet;lt-cl any opporiuiiiiy of reniliiinp; it 
I our bt-st service. I he lasiini; piioil of the Union is':il»iveall 
; price. Strict iidhereiiceto the spirit of the const itiitiunal com- 
I pact, and the cultivation anil praetice of social niid political 
atiachuient. are the only means of iiiMir;n); its perpeluation. 

Oeiitlemeii are vit ing with each other in their professions 
of love and ivi;ard for the Union. To siii)? its praises, and 
laud its plories, are the constant t Hints of elo<|ueiit mi nibei-s. 
I'he proRii-ss of the past, the beiieliis of the pri si-iil, and the 
briplil anticipations i.f the fului-e. are all painitdiii jjlowing 
colors with a master's hanil. tif ih^s 1 coinpliiin not ; it meets 
] w ith a ht-arty i-i-sponse in my own bosom. Hut 1 want sonie- 
; tliinp nmie than iirofessions of repaid. I deiire the Certain 
evidence alfonlid by yiiictical action. " KaiMi, wi(lu;ul works 
I is dead," and laiidalilnisul the Union, without coirtsponding 
1 efforts to preserve it, are but as " the suiiiidinp biass and tink- 
ling cymbal." Let us, then, come up to the work in the true 
I spirit of patriotism. We iniist condemn and remove ti.e cause 
which has bi>i|ipli( us to this deplorable condiiion. '1 hat 
: cause is the slavery lipitalioii. li h;is been raised and fosfert-d 
at the .S'lirtli.aiiil 111^. d upon C'oiiu;iess in its various shapes. 
I Hut for this, theSoinli would be satislitd. '1 lu y ask furnulh- 
inp, ami einplore to be let alone. How easj, llien to pacify 
I the country, and nvt it the present danger. How t asj lo save 
the Union, if ifentleinen love it us iiiiicii as tlie\ piett nil. Let 
them but cease tliiir attacks upon southern rights-- 1' I them 
respect the Constiiutioii, as il was coll^trul-(l and adiiiiiiisiei^ 
' ed III ihe earlier days of the Republic— Icftlieiii absiain from 
wanlon insult mid reckless iriil.iiion-— let thtiu tui.t us as 
I breihren and as equals, and all will yet be well; |)iaee and 
1 traiiquiility willapain be rc-stored. And will 1 ol iliis Union 
! locitig people do that nnuli fur ilu- suke of the Union : I he 
' South are jieifeetly ciinltiit «illi the Cunsiitiilioii :is it is, and 
I as it came from the hands of our revoliiiiuiiary falhei*; but 
havini; become alarmed at the fiarful assaults made upon 
their rights, they now iiisiNt upon a full, fair, and complete 
settlement of the whole subject of di-piite. H they are to re- 
main as eipinls under the" federal compact, they, desire to 
know il now— if they are to Im.- degraded step by step to the 
abject conditi n of vassalage, they wish to be infoiined of it 
at once. Surely, if |iei-sonal and' parly considerations be all 
discarded, and the counlry"s weal alone considered, we can 
arrive at some conmion untlerstanilint;, wliich will so )llie and 
concilia'e the troubled mind of the ptiiple. 1 liieiils Call 
neither intiiiiid;ile llie Somli nor the Norili, and supplication 
is not the language of rreemeii. A returning sense ol justice 
is my w hole reliance in this trying emergency ; and 1 sincero- 
ly hope, that in all our t ti■o^l^ to tlispose of ihis qiiisiiun in a 
just, amicable, anil smisfaelory manner, we will invoke a 
spirit of kindness and goiitl will, ever reniembering that liar- 
nioiiv is the lieauty and stitnglli of all insliluiiuns, but more 
particularly ours. 



Printed at the CongrcKiional Globe Office. 



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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



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